For Nationhood, Freedom and Democracy

Core Values 


A Blueprint For Veritas - It's Philosophical Framework


The purpose of this document is to set out - for members, prospective members and those considering working with Veritas - the underlying philosophy that informs the party’s mission and guides its policy-making, campaigning and presentation.


VERITAS VIEW OF CHANGE

In recent years there has been increasing comment about a growing ‘disconnection’ between politicians and the people that they represent. On occasions politicians appear arrogant and contemptuous of public opinion. They have been deceitful – particularly with regard to the development of the European Union and its consequences for national sovereignty and democracy. AcrossEurope a growing number of citizens are voicing disquiet at the decisions that are taken ‘over their heads’ and ‘behind their backs’ and that have significant consequences for their economic and social well-being. Decision-making becomes increasingly remote and serves the visions of ‘elites’. In an increasingly complex and inter-related world decision-making has to be conducted within a broad and global strategic context; however, we should be wary of the temptation that this provides for the displacement of democracy by autocracy.

Things change; they don’t stand still. This is evolution: the unfolding of the Universe. But we do have some control over economic, social, cultural and environmental matters – we can make choices. The trouble is that these choices, these decisions, are being removed from us, the people, by those who wish to impose their own vision of the future on us.

Change is an aspect of life that affects us all. It can bring benefits, can stimulate our creativity and imagination and widen our horizons; but it can also be experienced as creating more difficulty and inconvenience, a lowering of the quality of life and a profound sense of loss when something that has been precious is destroyed. It doesn’t just drop out of the sky: it is initiated by someone and is accepted by others. There is a sense that the agenda for change is now in the remit of a dictatorial minority; a sense that ‘the tail is wagging the dog’.

We must acknowledge, too, that social change is also driven by scientific discovery, technological innovation and creativity in the arts. Life doesn’t stand still. The things that we enjoy today are with us as a result of change. The older we become the more conscious we are of the changes that have taken place in our lifetimes, and we inevitably make comparisons; we discriminate between welcome changes and unwelcome changes. There comes a time in life when adapting to change may lose its excitement and becomes wearying; and when the familiar and the traditional increases in attraction. We look instead for things that are unchanging, timeless and eternal, and a sense of continuity and connection with those who have gone before us. Traditionalists are often mocked as ‘bigots’ and ‘dinosaurs’. We are expected to be silent and accept the regime imposed upon us by those who now refer to themselves as ‘progressives’, busy with their blueprint for the future of humanity.

Recent decades have seen the rise of a movement of political thinkers, activists and their supporters who are uncomfortable with the idea of nations, and who promote the concepts of a borderless world and world government. For them nations stand in the way of their vision of social progress, a vision that sees the replacement of the nation based on the heritage, traditions and custom that define its culture with a ‘melting pot’ of the world’s cultures residing equitably in a multicultural society. The encouragement of migration is a component part of this process. The destruction of national identity and loyalties facilitates further social reform, initiated, planned and controlled by a ‘political elite’. This movement has perfected the use of propaganda and the manipulation of people’s thinking and behaviour through coercive use of imagery, language and vocabulary. A new moral orthodoxy is created that is oppressive and intolerant of dissent – the voices of opposition being marginalised and stigmatised as ‘extremist’ and immoral. Those who are driving this agenda of change seek to deny us an effective voice in our affairs.

However, some of us – perhaps many of us – do not share the enthusiasm for their proposition. We see our nations being transformed at a rapid rate in ways that we feel (or are made to feel) uncomfortable talking about. In England we can be saddened when we make comparison with the England that we, and our parents, knew and loved. Of course, there have been changes that we acknowledge have improved the quality of life and its opportunities for many of us; but for those who have lived here long enough, and experienced enough, to be able to make comparisons with earlier times the news is not all good.

We are dismayed at the destruction of our ‘Englishness’ – those traditions, customs and traits of character and temperament that in their familiarity and long-standing have created a quiet sense of security and pride. We believe that the forecast significant demographic changes in population size, density and ethnic/cultural composition will threaten what we have cherished about our nation. We feel that our concerns have been arrogantly and contemptuously brushed aside by a ‘political class’ that is determined to implement its own agenda.

The weaknesses and faults in our democratic processes and structures have facilitated the growing division between politicians and people, exacerbated now by the development of supranational decision-making bodies and globalism. Corporate greed and recklessness and capital looking to maximise its returns in global markets by exploiting low-cost labour are not always conducive to sustainable long-term development that benefits all, but can often lead to loss of skills, employment, income and opportunity for those adversely affected.

Change, in a system of democracy, requires the citizens to be fully appraised of the proposals and for the majority of them to have given their consent to the proposals before they are implemented.


WHY VERITAS WAS FORMED

Veritas was formed to create a platform for effective opposition to the destruction of our nation, its sovereignty and our liberty, and to bring an end to the deceit, stealth and arrogance of the new political class by challenging its propositions and methods through honest, plain speaking and detailed analysis.

We will match their determination with our own. Veritas sees the problem as being caused by a growing political hegemony (with a largely ‘left-wing’ bias), which it is determined to fearlessly fight to defend freedom, democracy and justice for all citizens, to promote a respect for traditions and values that enhance human dignity rather than destroy it and to restore a sense of pride in Britain as a union of nations. Veritas will fight autocracy, authoritarianism and totalitarian control.

We will expose and attack with relentless vigour the growing authoritarianism and erosion of democracy that the ‘political class’ are imposing upon us. We will not be ambiguous in making our position clear: we are straight-talking, honest and direct. This is our country, too; and we are saddened by some of the things that we see happening to it.

Veritas will defend the integrity (sense of wholeness, unity, of being integrated) of the nations ofBritain. It is not isolationist in its approach to this: it recognises the processes of cultural and social evolutionary change that are, and will always be, characteristic of humanity. It recognises, too, the benefits of co-operation and collaboration in human endeavour – of working together to achieve a better world and expand human consciousness and experience. However, it recognises, too, the eternal, timeless and universal desire for autonomy, freedom and a feeling of security in one’s identity and the circumstances that define that.

With the creation of Veritas in 2005 an opportunity was created for us to fight back, to reclaim what is ours. Our purpose in Veritas is to carry this mission forwards; and to provide a rallying point, and be a political advocate, for all of those people who share our beliefs and values. Not least of the things that we have lost is our democracy: it belongs to the people, and it must be restored to us. We do not seek isolation in the world, but a community of nations working together for peace, security, prosperity, sustainability and the alleviation of poverty and injustice. Certainly the party is internationalist in its outlook, perceiving that the future well-being of our nations is dependent upon a peaceful, stable and just world around us.

We will speak honestly, openly and with dignity, presenting, promoting and defending our beliefs and values; while listening to, and seeking to understand, the beliefs and values of others – and exploring the scope for compromise. We believe that this is the essence of democracy. We will expose arrogance and pomposity, acknowledge both the strengths and weaknesses of human nature, and be positive, creative and constructive in outlook rather than negative and destructive. We acknowledge the sanctity of the individual and the importance of community – autonomy and mutuality. We understand that more is gained through love than through hate.

Veritas is a party of people for whom life is as much a spiritual experience as a material experience. We seek a way of life with which we are comfortable rather then uncomfortable. Our political philosophy is based on feelings as well as ideas; we reflect on the emotional experience of what we are subjected to by political ideologues and their supporters. Our philosophy does not come out of the ‘ivory towers’ of academia – it comes from the soul, from an understanding of what is deeply important to our sense of well-being. We do not seek to impose blueprints or visions for humanity that cut across the grain of human nature, but we seek to work with human nature – identifying and acknowledging those sentiments that are dismissed as impediments to ‘progress’ by the zealots who wish to bend us to their will.

The party was created in response to the growth of an oppressive, over-bearing and coercive state and its supporting quangos that have been pursuing a programme of change that has had the consequence of destroying aspects of our nation that are dear to our hearts. We will not be bullied. We value liberty and justice, open and transparent government, a democracy in which politicians – our elected representatives – serve the people (and not the other way round); and we value the concept of nationhood, with nations sovereign and independent working collaboratively and peacefully with each other for the greater good. We exist to defend our nation and its social and cultural heritage, and to challenge the growing autocracy and intolerance that is undermining it.

We are not reactionary. We accept change as part of the evolutionary unfolding of life and the cosmos of which we are a part. However, we wish to be discriminating in our design and management of change – accepting change that we regard as improving the quality of our lives and the things that we value, and rejecting change that we regard as reducing the quality of our lives and destroying the things that we value.


VERITAS VALUES NATIONHOOD

Our concept of nation is one that is socially and culturally integrated with knowledge of, respect for, and care of its heritage and institutions. We reject, and will bring to an end, the practise of the political doctrine of multiculturalism in our public affairs. In our experience it is divisive, encourages preference and privilege based on ethnicity and challenges the primacy of the nation’s natural heritage and institutions. If people choose to come to live here we expect them to accept what is here and not reject it or demand privileged and preferential treatment; we expect them to ‘blend in’ – to enrich and embrace our culture, but not displace it.

We distinguish between the concepts of ‘nation’ - which we see as a cultural phenomenon and serving to defend the interests of its members, and the ‘state’ – which we see as the political and administrative apparatus developed and maintained to serve and support the life of the nation. The state is the servant of the nation and its people.

We observe that, occasionally, nations throughout history and around the world have been, and are being, established as a means to protect the cultural interests and survival of ethnic groups, and the civilisations that they have created; and we believe this to be a legitimate form of nationhood provided its ambitions are peaceable, non-expansionary and its practices provide equitable justice for all citizens.

We believe that England is a nation; and that many English people aspire to that sense of nationhood as a way of conserving their ancestral and cultural heritage – just as many Scots and Welsh do in claiming their nationhood.Great Britainis not a nation: it is a union of nations.

We believe that it is legitimate to speak of a nation’s indigenous, evolving social and cultural fabric; and to acknowledge that a political movement has conspired to subvert this in recent decades through the encouragement of immigration on a scale and at a rate hitherto not experienced on this island, that it has reinforced this with the imposition of a multiculturalist ideology (Roy Jenkins, as Labour Home Secretary during the 1960’s), and that it has discouraged dissent and opposition through the manipulation of language, vocabulary and imagery and the creation of a moral framework that stigmatises opposition as ‘immoral’. We will expose the deceit and cunning that has been destroying our nation, and confront this ideological movement head-on.

For us the land and its history/heritage are sacred. It provides a deeply spiritual link with those from whom we are descended and who have built this nation for us. They ‘live on’ though our built and natural environment and through our cultural heritage. This deeply held human instinct may be found throughout the world, and is recognised and defended by the United Nations in its charter on the rights of indigenous peoples.

We will defend the concept of nationhood – socially and culturally integrated, sovereign and with a respect and care for the nation’s built, natural and cultural heritage. We want citizens to take a pride in their nations: they are our inheritance and carry within them the fruits of the labour, creativity and sacrifice of those who have gone before us. They connect us to our forebears, and we will conserve and add to their wealth as a memorial to those who bequeathed them to us and for the benefit of those who follow us.

We will have a population and immigration policy that safeguards the quality of life for all the nation’s citizens in terms of density, resource and infrastructure capacity, landscape and amenity value and social and cultural impact. We believe that a nation should have control over immigration within the framework of its population policy. The free movement of people, while appearing a noble aspiration, has demonstrably difficult consequences for those nations that have limited resources and land area and are popular destinations for substantial flows of immigrants.

For many of us the experience of mass immigration can be one of colonisation. Migration is a feature of life that has always been with us, but not on the scale that we have experienced since1945. This feeling of colonisation has been reinforced by the implementation of the doctrine of multiculturalism, imposing on our nation beliefs and values, tradition and customs that are not rooted here. The experience of hearing the announcement on the BBC of the Parekh Report on the future of a multicultural Britain (commissioned by the Runnymede Trust), accompanied by a statement from one the contributors to the report that the ‘Anglo-Saxon’ culture was ‘dead’ created a shocked and angry response; as did Trevor Philips’ assertion, some years later, that integration is a ‘two-way street’.

We do not seek to make ‘museums’ of our nations, but seek to preserve their heritage and evolving cultural integrity whilst being open to other cultural influences – accepting of them without being threatened by them. We are opposed to the enforced political doctrine of ‘multiculturalism’. We believe that migrants who apply to reside here and to take citizenship should respect our nationhood. The nations ofBritainare not ‘blank pages’: they are rich with the tapestry of our inheritance and the character and temperament of those who already live here.

Discussions about heritage – and associated customs, traditions, beliefs and values – may lead to observations about underlying and correlated ethnic factors. It is an observation of fact, of the cultural diversity that we see in the world. To discuss the impacts of changes in the ethnic demographic profile of a region/nation as a contribution to changes in its social, cultural and political affairs and in its sense of identity and care of its heritage we see as being a legitimate enquiry. It is not being ‘racist’: it is not about feeling superior to other ethnic groups or hating them – it is about acknowledging difference and the transformative effect that it can have on a nation.

Discussions about changing ethnic/cultural influences on a sense of nationhood do not have to be based on hate; they can be based on love - love for those things that we wish to conserve, and those new influences that we wish to embrace. In this context it is meaningful and useful to think of an ‘indigenous’ population and those recent migrants who are settling in or hope to settle. It is an analysis of impacts that is more honestly comprehensive than we have hitherto been entitled to.

These things are not outside of our control; they are within our control, and can be managed in a way that offers the possibility of a desirable and sustainable outcome for the majority of people who will be affected. This assertion is based on the proposition that change should be managed; that it should be embraced and not imposed. The nature of change, and the speed at which it is undertaken, should – so far as is practically possible – have the blessing of the majority of the people who will be affected by it.

We do not support supra-nationalism, but promote a vision of internationalism in which nations trade and work together in creating a better, safer world. We wish our nations to be committed members of NATO and the United Nations Organisation. We would like to see a European Union of sovereign, independent nations in alliance/confederation for mutual benefit and shared understanding. We oppose the vision of a politically integrated, centrist European state that is currently guiding the development of the European Union.

In considering these matters we are guided by two important principles – autonomy and mutuality.


THE DESTRUCTION OF THE NATION

We believe that we are engaged in ideological warfare, and are witnessing the destruction and transformation of our nation, its integrity, freedoms, democracy, institutions and links with its heritage through:

Oppression, coercion, manipulation of thought and behaviour to facilitate a ‘progressive’ agenda. State sponsored attacks on freedom of thought, expression and choice, and the freedom to discriminate between the things that we do like and those that we do not like. Intolerance and marginalisation of dissent: the defining of a moral framework that stigmatises dissent as being morally reprehensible.

A state, with its agencies, that is dictatorial and manipulative, deciding what we can discuss, and the terms and language in which we can discuss it, and which also informs us of the correct way to think. A political elite, with its supporters, that is contemptuous of public opinion and seeks to impose its own vision on humanity through stealth, dishonesty, manipulation and coercion. A desire by the ‘establishment’ to discourage discussion on some topics that are fundamentally important for the future of the nation.

The derision of the concept of nationhood, and the idea of an indigenous population, culture and heritage. A disinclination to regard England as a nation.

A feeling amongst many citizens of disempowerment/powerlessness; an inability to exercise any meaningful influence on the issues that trouble us. An observation that power is being sucked away from citizens and into the ‘political class’ in the United Kingdom and European Union; leading to an erosion of democracy, and the idea of sovereignty. A constitutional relationship has developed with the European Union without a mandate from the citizens, and has been ‘railroaded’ through Parliament by party whips.

The destructive, rather than constructive, nature of political discussion and debate; and the lies, deceit and incompetence of politicians. Too often politicians are fond of presenting opinion as fact.

A rise in sarcasm, lampooning, satire and mockery. They are corrosive, and eat away at the traditional fabric of society.

‘Criminalising’ freedom of thought, conscience and discretion, and by manipulating and controlling language and ‘re-training’ offenders.

The replacement of national forms of governance with supranational governance having tenuous democratic accountability and control.

A debasement of our culture, standards of behaviour and sense of individual responsibility; and an encouragement of an economy and a society that has lived ‘beyond its means’ with people encouraged to walk away from their debts.

Loss of community sanction brought about by judicial interpretation of the Human Rights Act, and judicial outcomes that offend the ‘sense of justice’ of the majority of the people: the administration of justice based on the Human Rights Act has left many people feeling a sense of injustice. There is a growing sense that law is being developed by the judiciary rather than by the people.

An economy that has become increasingly reliant on imports for its manufactured goods, with a loss of manufacturing skills, capacity and employment. There has been a failure to provide an economic environment that will encourage opportunity for employment forUKcitizens. Recognition that ‘globalism’ has brought both economic and social advantages and disadvantages to the nation.

Refusal to discuss the detail and consequences of demographic change in theUK; and to develop policy to encourage desirable and sustainable outcomes. An acceptance of a rate of population growth that threatens our landscape and ecology, makes unsustainable demands on our natural resources, infrastructure and public services; and through congestion and loss of tranquillity degrades our quality of life.

A state sponsored multiculturalist ideology, weakening and challenging the primacy of the traditional and evolving cultures of our nations and institutions and replacing a sense of integrity with a sense of fragmentation, loss of unity and the loss of well-being that comes with feeling secure in one’s own cultural milieu. We note the growing deference shown to minority ethnic groups facilitated by the doctrine of multiculturalism and the rise of ‘identity politics’, and the consequent loss of unity, and a growing fragmentation of our nation. Our nation becomes ‘a community of communities’ – by government diktat; and the primary status of our own heritage and culture is diminished by being continually under-mined and chipped away by proponents of multiculturalism.

We don’t require ethnic minorities to be invisible and to have no stake in the future of the nation; but we do not want them having a disproportionate influence in our affairs by seeking privilege and preference in our national life, and under-mining our heritage and traditions. We wish to be discriminating in our acceptance of the cultural contributions that they may make to our nation, and we will embrace them as we wish without having them forced on us.

The multiculturalist doctrine sees ethnic groups seeking privilege and preference based on the need for recognition of their differences and their wish for the perpetuation of those differences in their ethnicity and its cultural norms, and for public services to be delivered to them in a form that respects their cultural norms.

It challenges and fragments what is already here, encourages disunity and fosters ambivalence towards the nation’s heritage and predominant culture, values, beliefs, character and temperament. The nation should be allowed to discriminate between changes that it would like to adopt and those that it would not wish to adopt, rather than have changes forced upon it by political diktat. We believe that newcomers should make the effort to ‘blend in’.

It is clearly evident from a study of the history of the British Isles that its character and culture have evolved over many centuries, influenced occasionally by migratory movements/colonisation/invasion. The richness and variation in our ‘culture’ is due in part to these changes. However, the size and rate of migration since 1945, on a continuing and accelerating basis, has been unprecedented; and has included substantial immigration from parts of the world that have had no natural ethnic association with the British Isles. The United Kingdom, and England in particular, is being ethnically transformed. We now have a significant and growing ‘non-indigenous’ population that can have substantial economic, social and cultural impacts on our sense of nationhood and on the nation’s future character. We observe that some groups of migrants fit in more comfortably than others; they have ‘blended in’ with enthusiasm and with a respect for the nation’s cultural milieu.

We acknowledge the contribution that some immigrants have made to our nation: the work ethic, good manners, family values, invention and enterprise that they have brought with them. We are not against change, but we would like the opportunity to consider the impacts and have the freedom to comment on these. For many citizens this nation is their inheritance, and the legacy that they will hand on to their children. They care, and want to be consulted on change.

For Veritas, immigration on the scale that we have experienced in recent decades represents a failure by successive governments to plan and manage change with care for all of the consequent impacts.

We note and reject the alleged practise of the Labour Party to increase the ethnic diversity of our nation by encouraging mass immigration – an ideological position that is ethnically transforming our nation. Again, we are required not to comment on the changes that we observe, but to respond to calls from the state to ‘celebrate’ them.

This is not a racist sentiment, but an observation of the consequences of their action on the social and cultural fabric of our nation. The ‘Englishness’ of England is gradually being displaced: the character of a nation is formed from its ethnic and cultural composition. There are thresholds and tipping points that need to be considered when assessing the enforced rate of change on a society. This concern should not be interpreted as an indication that we are unprepared to accept a mix of ethnicities in our population, nor are unwelcoming of the contribution that they can make to our nation; but it should be interpreted as a statement of our opposition to the declared ambition of some campaigners that our nation should be a ‘melting pot’ of the world’s ethnicities and cultures.

We like what we are (as other ethnicities do), we value what we are (as other ethnicities do); we are not opposed to exposure to other cultural influences in our nation – provided it is in moderation, is embracing of what is here already and we do not feel threatened by it. We accept change, but do not want to be over-whelmed by it. We believe that the benefits of diversity need to be balanced with the benefits of integrity (wholeness).

We accept that migration is a feature of human existence. We do believe, however, that a nation should have the facility to manage inward migratory flows to protect the economic, social, cultural and environmental well-being and character of the nation. In our opinion there have been periods since 1945 when immigration has been too high, and when the needs of immigrants have taken preference over the needs and wishes of the citizens.

The free movement of people within the European Union, while an attractive feature if flows are small, has in practice resulted in a high inward migratory flow over which the nation has no control. This is an unsatisfactory situation and requires rectification. We believe that it is natural and proper for citizens to take an interest, and to participate, in the decisions leading to the changes affecting their nation; and the quantity and rate of immigration is leading to significant changes in our nation. For too long we have been silenced by politicians on this important issue and made to feel uncomfortable discussing it. We are required to say nothing, but to be passive spectators. This intimidation has to stop.

We recognise that migration is fuelled by a desire of people to have the opportunity of a better life. Our attention must be focused on those factors that are causing people to feel the need to move on such an increasingly large scale: poverty, injustice, autocracy, corrupt and incompetent government and public administration, inadequate opportunities for education and employment, the lack of a supportive economic infrastructure to encourage enterprise and innovation, conflict, plundering of natural resources by other nations and global conglomerates, unfair international trade, unsustainable population growth and changes in the environment. There is tremendous scope for a global, international approach to these issues; and we must work to overcome obstacles including human greed and the lust for power exercised by some people over others.


THE VERITAS APPROACH TO POLITICS

Veritas ‘does’ a different sort of politics. It aims to create a sound, explicit and coherent philosophical base to its policy development; and is based on a philosophical examination of human affairs, which is complemented by careful and detailed research and analysis. It is open and honest, consultative and participative.

We believe that information regarding our public affairs should be openly and freely available in an accessible and comprehensible form for scrutiny by citizens; and that, without this, democracy is deeply flawed.

In our policy-making we attempt to work with the grain of human nature, encouraging and seeking voluntary subscription to a set of guiding principles rather than be coercive and controlling of thought, expression and choice.

We acknowledge the interconnectivity of life and human affairs in our vision and policy development. Our approach is systemic and mindful of the ‘ecology’ of whatever we are studying. We will separate opinion from fact.

Our focus of concern is on those ideas and sentiments that foster a sense of ‘well-being’ in people. We are concerned with humanity as a spiritual entity, and we therefore consider the ways in which people experience the world about them. We are concerned with feelings as much as ideas.

We will not be dissuaded, by bullying and intimidation, from engaging with any matter of concern to us. In presenting and defending our beliefs, values and policies we will behave with honesty and dignity and be respectful of other opinions, but we will be robust. We aim always for a constructive, rather than destructive, approach in our work. We will be open for discussion on those things that other parties would rather not discuss. We will not tolerate public debate being circumscribed by those who wish to pursue their own political agenda.

Whilst coming from a ‘conservative’ tradition, and wishing to conserve from our past those things that are precious to our sense of ‘well-being’, we value the application of creative thought and imagination in addressing issues that are proving problematic. We are not reactionaries, but neither do we wish to sweep away the best from our past/our heritage. We do not wish to dictate the future: we want to give future generations the opportunities to define the circumstances of their existence, and help them in this task by making available the accumulated wealth of human experience from the past.

We will expose and challenge lies and deceit in political dialogue. We will be honest and straight-forward in expressing our opinions, and demand the same of others; and we will strive for accuracy in our assertions of fact. We believe that a straight question of a politician demands a straight answer. We will not be evasive, and we will acknowledge our mistakes: we see humility in such circumstances as an important public virtue.

We reject the arrogance, pomposity and contempt for public opinion that has been a characteristic of many politicians and their acolytes.

We do not attempt to be ‘all things to all people’; there will be other opinions that will be contrary to our own – we do not attempt to speak for everybody. Our task in the democratic forum is to adequately and accurately promote and defend the beliefs and values of our members.

We defend the principles of nationhood, freedom, democracy, justice and compassion; and we support the efforts of people worldwide who aspire to these principles.

We are prepared to take a fresh look at how our economy can function better to the benefit of all rather than a few.

We will:

Expose and challenge deceit, lies and half-truths.

Separate opinion from fact, and inform citizens of the facts.

Where discussion is closed down, we will open it up.

Speak plainly, honestly and with dignity, but without fear.

Expose the ideology, and its promoters, that are damaging our nation.

Defend and improve our democracy and insist on open, transparent and competent government.

Defend and promote our beliefs and values and a framework of policies designed to support them.



PLEASE CLICK HERE TO READ "VERITAS CORE VALUES"



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